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True False For an object to change its state of motion, an unbalanced force must act on it. True Objects that interact always exert the same strength of force on one another. You should find it helpful to know that rocket motors function perfectly...
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The gases expelled from the rear of the rocket cause lower pressure regions behind the rocket. This low pressure pushes the rocket. This effect is particularly effective in a vacuum where there is zero pressure in front of the rocket. When a body is...
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No unbalanced forces such as friction are present on the truck. What type of motion does the truck experience after encountering the ice? What law applies to the scenario? During a football game, a wide receiver who only weighs lbs catches the football on a short curl route. What type of motion does the linebacker experience when hitting the receiver? What type of motion does the receiver experience when hit by the linebacker? Compare the accelerations of the two players. A rocket in space is burning its engines, creating a constant unbalanced force on it. The force is applied to the rocket indefinitely.
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When the rocket runs out of fuel, what happens to its speed? Ethan pulls on a cart that his brother, Cameron, sits on. They both head straight home with progressively increasing speed. Is it uniform or accelerated? Identify which law s of motion apply. A labeled diagram with arrows representing forces is often helpful here. Compare the size of relevant forces. Are the forces balanced or unbalanced? Explain how the cart and Ethan can both be speeding up in the same direction, taking into account the Third Law. If Cameron jumps out of the cart while Ethan keeps pulling with the same force, what will happen? In a car crash between a small car and an SUV, the occupants of the small car are much more likely to be injured. A boy is standing on a skateboard at rest. The boy jumps forward off the skateboard. What happens to the boy and to the skateboard? What would happen if the boy jumped off sideways?
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Chapter 15 — Dr. For a while sheer anger mastered me. It was as if he had during her life struck Lucy on the face. Van Helsing, are you mad? Oh, my friend, whey, think you, did I go so far round, why take so long to tell so simple a thing? Was it because I hate you and have hated you all my life? Was it because I wished to give you pain? Was it that I wanted, no so late, revenge for that time when you saved my life, and from a fearful death? Ah no! But even yet I do not expect you to believe. It is more hard still to accept so sad a concrete truth, and of such a one as Miss Lucy.
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Tonight I go to prove it. Dare you come with me? A man does not like to prove such a truth, Byron excepted from the catagory, jealousy. If it not be true, then proof will be relief. At worst it will not harm. If it be true! Ah, there is the dread. Yet every dread should help my cause, for in it is some need of belief. Come, I tell you what I propose. First, that we go off now and see that child in the hospital. Vincent, of the North Hospital, where the papers say the child is, is a friend of mine, and I think of yours since you were in class at Amsterdam. He will let two scientists see his case, if he will not let two friends. We shall tell him nothing, but only that we wish to learn.
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This is the key that lock the tomb. I had it from the coffin man to give to Arthur. I could do nothing, however, so I plucked up what heart I could and said that we had better hasten, as the afternoon was passing. We found the child awake. It had had a sleep and taken some food, and altogether was going on well. Dr, Vincent took the bandage from its throat, and showed us the punctures. They were smaller, and the edges looked fresher, that was all. We asked Vincent to what he attributed them, and he replied that it must have been a bite of some animal, perhaps a rat, but for his own part, he was inclined to think it was one of the bats which are so numerous on the northern heights of London. Some sailor may have brought one home, and it managed to escape, or even from the Zoological Gardens a young one may have got loose, or one be bred there from a vampire.
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These things do occur, you, know. Only ten days ago a wolf got out, and was, I believe, traced up in this direction. Even this poor little mite, when he woke up today, asked the nurse if he might go away. These fancies to stray are most dangerous, and if the child were to remain out another night, it would probably be fatal.
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But in any case I suppose you will not let it away for some days? It is more late than I thought. Come, let us seek somewhere that we may eat, and then we shall go on our way. It was then very dark, and the scattered lamps made the darkness greater when we were once outside their individual radius. The Professor had evidently noted the road we were to go, for he went on unhesitatingly, but, as for me, I was in quite a mixup as to locality. As we went further, we met fewer and fewer people, till at last we were somewhat surprised when we met even the patrol of horse police going their usual suburban round.
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At last we reached the wall of the churchyard, which we climbed over. With some little difficulty, for it was very dark, and the whole place seemed so strange to us, we found the Westenra tomb. The Professor took the key, opened the creaky door, and standing back, politely, but quite unconsciously, motioned me to precede him. There was a delicious irony in the offer, in the courtliness of giving preference on such a ghastly occasion. My companion followed me quickly, and cautiously drew the door to, after carefully ascertaining that the lock was a falling, and not a spring one. In the latter case we should have been in a bad plight. Then he fumbled in his bag, and taking out a matchbox and a piece of candle, proceeded to make a light. The tomb in the daytime, and when wreathed with fresh flowers, had looked grim and gruesome enough, but now, some days afterwards, when the flowers hung lank and dead, their whites turning to rust and their greens to browns, when the spider and the beetle had resumed their accustomed dominance, when the time-discolored stone, and dust-encrusted mortar, and rusty, dank iron, and tarnished brass, and clouded silver-plating gave back the feeble glimmer of a candle, the effect was more miserable and sordid than could have been imagined.
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It conveyed irresistibly the idea that life, animal life, was not the only thing which could pass away. Van Helsing went about his work systematically. Another search in his bag, and he took out a turnscrew. You shall yet be convinced. The sight was almost too much for me. It seemed to be as much an affront to the dead as it would have been to have stripped off her clothing in her sleep whilst living. I actually took hold of his hand to stop him. Striking the turnscrew through the lead with a swift downward stab, which made me wince, he made a small hole, which was, however, big enough to admit the point of the saw.
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I had expected a rush of gas from the week-old corpse. We doctors, who have had to study our dangers, have to become accustomed to such things, and I drew back towards the door. But the Professor never stopped for a moment. He sawed down a couple of feet along one side of the lead coffin, and then across, and down the other side. Taking the edge of the loose flange, he bent it back towards the foot of the coffin, and holding up the candle into the aperture, motioned to me to look. I drew near and looked. The coffin was empty. It was certainly a surprise to me, and gave me a considerable shock, but Van Helsing was unmoved.
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He was now more sure than ever of his ground, and so emboldened to proceed in his task. But how do you, how can you, account for it not being there? The Professor sighed. Come with me. We opened the door, and went out. Behind us he closed the door and locked it. You had better be assured. Then he told me to watch at one side of the churchyard whilst he would watch at the other. I took up my place behind a yew tree, and I saw his dark figure move until the intervening headstones and trees hid it from my sight. It was a lonely vigil. Just after I had taken my place I heard a distant clock strike twelve, and in time came one and two.
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I was chilled and unnerved, and angry with the Professor for taking me on such an errand and with myself for coming. I was too cold and too sleepy to be keenly observant, and not sleepy enough to betray my trust, so altogether I had a dreary, miserable time. Suddenly, as I turned round, I thought I saw something like a white streak, moving between two dark yew trees at the side of the churchyard farthest from the tomb. Then I too moved, but I had to go round headstones and railed-off tombs, and I stumbled over graves. The sky was overcast, and somewhere far off an early cock crew. A little ways off, beyond a line of scattered juniper trees, which marked the pathway to the church, a white dim figure flitted in the direction of the tomb.
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The tomb itself was hidden by trees, and I could not see where the figure had disappeared. I heard the rustle of actual movement where I had first seen the white figure, and coming over, found the Professor holding in his arms a tiny child. And is it wounded? It was without a scratch or scar of any kind. We had now to decide what we were to do with the child, and so consulted about it. If we were to take it to a police station we should have to give some account of our movements during the night. At least, we should have had to make some statement as to how we had come to find the child.
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So finally we decided that we would take it to the Heath, and when we heard a policeman coming, would leave it where he could not fail to find it. We would then seek our way home as quickly as we could. All fell out well. We heard his exclamation of astonishment, and then we went away silently. I cannot sleep, so I make this entry. He insists that I go with him on another expedition. The funeral held at noon was all completed, and the last stragglers of the mourners had taken themselves lazily away, when, looking carefully from behind a clump of alder trees, we saw the sexton lock the gate after him. We knew that we were safe till morning did we desire it, but the Professor told me that we should not want more than an hour at most.
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Reference Material I. But Reagan held out hope for redemption. Reagan rode the wave of a powerful political movement referred to by historians as the New Right. More libertarian in its economics and more politically forceful in its conservative religious principles than the moderate brand of conservatism popular after World War II, the New Right had by the s evolved into the most influential wing of the Republican Party. And it could claim increasing credit for Republican electoral successes. Building on the gradual unraveling of the New Deal political order in the s and s see Chapter 28 , the conservative movement not only enjoyed the guidance of skilled politicians like Reagan but drew tremendous energy from a broad range of grassroots activists.
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Countless ordinary citizens—newly mobilized Christian conservatives, in particular—helped the Republican Party steer the country rightward. Enduring conflicts over race, economic policy, sexual politics, and foreign affairs fatally fractured the liberal consensus that had dominated American politics since the presidency of Franklin Roosevelt, and the New Right attracted support from Reagan Democrats, blue-collar voters who had lost faith in the old liberal creed. But the New Right harnessed popular distrust of regulation, taxes, and bureaucrats, and conservative activists celebrated the end of hyperinflation and substantial growth in GDP.
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In many ways, however, the rise of the right promised more than it delivered. Battered but intact, the social welfare programs of the New Deal and Great Society for example, social security, Medicaid, and Aid to Families with Dependent Children survived the s. Despite Republican vows of fiscal discipline, both the federal government and the national debt ballooned. At the end of the decade, conservative Christians viewed popular culture as more vulgar and hostile to their values than ever before.
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And in the near term, the New Right registered only partial victories on a range of public policies and cultural issues. Yet from a long-term perspective, conservatives achieved a subtler and more enduring transformation of American politics and society. Conservative Ascendance The Reagan Revolution marked the culmination of a long process of political mobilization on the American right. Even two-term Republican president Dwight D. Eisenhower declined to roll back the welfare state. To be sure, William F. But in general, the far right lacked organizational cohesion. Its growing appeal had several causes.
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Race also drove the creation of the New Right. All of these occurred under Democratic leadership, pushing white southerners toward the Republican Party. To many white Americans, the urban rebellions, antiwar protests, and student uprisings of the late s signaled social chaos. At the same time, slowing wage growth, rising prices, and growing tax burdens threatened many working- and middle-class citizens who long formed the core of the New Deal coalition. Liberalism no longer seemed to offer the great mass of white Americans a road map to prosperity, so they searched for new political solutions. Former Alabama governor and conservative Democrat George Wallace masterfully exploited the racial, cultural, and economic resentments of working-class whites during his presidential runs in and On the campaign stump, the fiery candidate lambasted hippies, antiwar protesters, and government bureaucrats. Running as a Democrat in , Wallace captured the Michigan primary and polled second in the industrial heartland of Wisconsin, Pennsylvania, and Indiana.
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Nevertheless, his amalgamation of older, New Deal—style proposals and conservative populism represented the rapid reordering of party loyalties in the late s and early s. The New Right remained without a major public champion. Christian conservatives also felt themselves under siege from liberalism. In the early s, Supreme Court decisions prohibiting teacher-led prayer Engel v. Vitale and Bible reading in public schools Abington v. Schempp led some on the right to conclude that a liberal judicial system threatened Christian values. Evangelical Protestants—Christians who professed a personal relationship with Jesus Christ, upheld the Bible as an infallible source of truth, and felt a duty to convert, or evangelize, nonbelievers—composed the core of the so-called religious right.
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In and a group of newly politicized mothers in Anaheim, California, led a sustained protest against sex education in public schools. In , Beverly LaHaye whose husband, Tim—an evangelical pastor in San Diego—later coauthored the wildly popular Left Behind Christian book series founded Concerned Women for America, which linked small groups of local activists opposed to the ERA, abortion, homosexuality, and no-fault divorce. Abortion therefore struck at the core of their female identity. More than perhaps any other issue, abortion drew different segments of the religious right—Catholics and Protestants, women and men—together.
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Wade ruling outraged many devout Catholics and evangelicals who had been less universally opposed to the procedure than their Catholic counterparts. Christian author Francis Schaeffer cultivated evangelical opposition to abortion through the documentary film Whatever Happened to the Human Race? Grassroots passion drove anti-abortion activism, but a set of religious and secular institutions turned the various strands of the New Right into a sophisticated movement. The Moral Majority skillfully wove together social and economic appeals to make itself a force in Republican politics. These organizations provided grassroots activists with ready-made policy prescriptions. Other business leaders took a more direct approach by hiring Washington lobbyists and creating political action committees PACs to press their agendas in the halls of Congress and federal agencies.
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Between and the number of corporate PACs rose from under three hundred to over twelve hundred. Grassroots activists and business leaders received unlikely support from a circle of neoconservatives—disillusioned intellectuals who had rejected liberalism and the Left and become Republicans. By the middle of the s, neoconservatives felt mugged by foreign affairs as well. In sum, several streams of conservative political mobilization converged in the late s. Each wing of the burgeoning New Right—disaffected northern blue-collar workers, white southerners, evangelicals and devout Catholics, business leaders, disillusioned intellectuals, and Cold War hawks—turned to the Republican Party as the most effective vehicle for their political counterassault on liberalism and the New Deal political order. After years of mobilization, the domestic and foreign policy catastrophes of the Carter administration provided the headwinds that brought the conservative movement to shore.
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Large Democratic majorities in Congress provided the new president with an opportunity to move aggressively on the legislative front. With the infighting of the early s behind them, many Democrats hoped the Carter administration would update and expand the New Deal. But Carter won the presidency on a wave of post-Watergate disillusionment with government that did not translate into support for liberal ideas. In its early days, the Carter administration embraced several policies backed by liberals. Many of the Democrats elected to Congress in the aftermath of Watergate were more moderate than their predecessors, who had been trained in the New Deal gospel. The president offered tepid support for a national health insurance proposal and declined to lobby aggressively for a package of modest labor law reforms.
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The bill aimed not only to guarantee a job to every American but also to reunite the interracial, working-class Democratic coalition that had been fractured by deindustrialization and affirmative action. Liberals, like labor leaders, came to regard the president as an unreliable ally. Carter also came under fire from Republicans, especially the religious right. His administration incurred the wrath of evangelicals in when the IRS established new rules revoking the tax-exempt status of racially segregated, private Christian schools.
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The rules only strengthened a policy instituted by the Nixon administration; however, the religious right accused Carter of singling out Christian institutions. After all, many of the schools had been founded to circumvent court-ordered desegregation. But the IRS ruling allowed the New Right to rain down fire on big government interference while downplaying the practice of segregation at the heart of the case. While the IRS controversy flared, economic crises multiplied. Unemployment reached 7.
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The administration responded to these challenges in fundamentally conservative ways. First, Carter proposed a tax cut for the upper middle class, which Congress passed in Second, the White House embraced a longtime goal of the conservative movement by deregulating the airline and trucking industries in and , respectively. Third, Carter proposed balancing the federal budget—much to the dismay of liberals, who would have preferred that he use deficit spending to finance a new New Deal.
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Liberalism was on the run. The Election of These domestic challenges, combined with the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and the hostage crisis in Iran, hobbled Carter heading into his reelection campaign. Many Democrats were dismayed by his policies. Reagan ran as a staunch fiscal conservative and a Cold War hawk, vowing to reduce government spending and shrink the federal bureaucracy. Reagan also accused his opponent of failing to confront the Soviet Union and vowed steep increases in military spending. The incumbent fared no better on domestic affairs. Unemployment remained at nearly 8 percent. The organization registered an estimated two million new voters in Reagan also cultivated the religious right by denouncing abortion and endorsing prayer in school.
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The candidate held his first post—nominating convention rally at the Neshoba County Fair near Philadelphia, Mississippi, the town where three civil rights workers had been murdered in And like Wallace, he attracted blue-collar workers in droves. Reagan did so during their only debate by appearing calm and amiable.
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Independent John Anderson captured 7 percent. The New Right in Power Ronald Reagan secured the presidency by appealing to the growing conservatism of much of the country. In line with that goal, his administration embraced supply-side economic theories that had recently gained popularity among the New Right. While the postwar gospel of Keynesian economics had focused on stimulating consumer demand, supply-side economics held that lower personal and corporate tax rates would encourage greater private investment and production. Conservative economist Arthur Laffer predicted that lower tax rates would generate so much economic activity that federal tax revenues would actually increase.
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